모신 울 물크 (Nawab Mohsin-ul-Mulk)
||사이드 아마드 칸 경
사이드 메디 알리(Syed Mehdi Ali)라고 더 알려진 나와브 모신울물크는 1937년 12월 9일에
에타와(Etawah)에서 태어났다. 그는 페르시아어와 아라비아(Arabic)에 모두 유창하였다.
1867년에 그는 주공무원 (Provincial Civil Service) 시험에서 수석을 차지하여 UP의 부세금원(deputy
collector)로 임명되었다. 이때부터 그는 사이드 경(Sir Syed)이라고 알려지기 시작했다. 1874년 메디
알리는 하이더라바드(Hyderabad)로 진출하였고 하이더라바드의 니잠(nizam, 군주)은 그의 공헌을 기리도록
“무니르 나와즈 장(Munir Nawaz Jang)”, “나와브 모신우드돌라(Nawab Moshin-ud Daula)”라는
1893년 메디 알리는 알리가(Aligarh)에 와서
사이드 아마드 칸 경을 도와 알리가의 메시지를 전파하는 일을 하게 되었다. 그는 사이드 경이 작고한 후 무슬림
교육협회(Muslim Educational Conference)의 책임자가 되었다. 20세기를 맞이할 즈음,
“United Province"에 힌디-우르두 간의 논쟁이 격화되었다. 그는 우르두 보호 협회(Urdu Defense
Association)를 도와서 우르두를 변호하는 글을 썼다.
그는 또한 멀리 내다보는 통찰력을 가지고 정치적으로도 의식이 있는 리더였다. 그는 영국총독의 개인 비서와 편지를
주고 받으며 모든 의회, 지방단체에도 무슬림을 대표할 수 있는 독립적인 대표가 필요하다는 그의 견해를 피력하였다.
1906년 그는 나와브 비까르울물크와 함께 무슬림리그의
정관을 초안하도록 요청받았다.
당뇨로 오랫동안 고생하던 그는 1907년 11월 16일에 사망하였다.
and the British response
in the Muslim community
While the Congress
was calling for swaraj in Calcutta, the Muslim League held its first
meeting in Dacca. Though the Muslim quarter of India's population
lagged behind the Hindu majority in uniting to articulate nationalist
political demands, Islam had, since the founding of the Delhi sultanate
in 1206, provided Indian Muslims with sufficient doctrinal mortar
to unite them as a separate religious community. The era of effective
Mughal rule (c. 1556-1707), moreover, gave India's Muslims a sense
of martial and administrative superiority to, as well as separation
from, the Hindu majority.
In 1857 the
last of the Mughal emperors had served as a rallying symbol for
many mutineers, and in the wake of the mutiny most Britons placed
the burden of blame for its inception upon the Muslim community.
Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan (1817-98), India's greatest 19th-century Muslim
leader, succeeded, in his “Causes of the Indian Revolt” (1873),
in convincing many British officials that Hindus were primarily
to blame for the mutiny. Sayyid had entered the company's service
in 1838 and was the leader of Muslim India's emulative mainstream
of political reform. He visited Oxford in 1874 and returned to found
the Anglo-Muhammadan Oriental College (now Aligarh Muslim University)
at Aligarh in 1875. It was India's first centre of Islamic and Western
higher education, with instruction given in English and modeled
after Oxford. Aligarh became the intellectual cradle of the Muslim
League and Pakistan.
Ali, popularly known by his title Mohsin al-Mulk (1837-1907), had
succeeded Sayyid Ahmad as leader and convened a deputation of some
36 Muslim leaders, headed by the Aga Khan III, that in 1906 called
upon Lord Minto (viceroy from 1905 to 1910) to articulate the special
national interests of India's Muslim community. Minto promised that
any reforms enacted by his government would safeguard the separate
interests of the Muslim community. Separate Muslim electorates,
formally inaugurated by the Indian Councils Act of 1909, were thus
vouchsafed by viceregal fiat in 1906. Encouraged by the concession,
the Aga Khan's deputation issued an expanded call during the first
meeting of the Muslim League (convened in December 1906 at Dacca)
“to protect and advance the political rights and interests of Mussalmans
of India.” Other resolutions moved at its first meeting expressed
Muslim “loyalty to the British government,” support for the Bengal
partition, and condemnation of the boycott movement.
Reforms of the British Liberals
In Great Britain the Liberal Party's electoral victory of 1906 marked
the dawn of a new era of reforms for British India. Hampered though
he was by the viceroy, Lord Minto, the new secretary of state for
India, John Morley, was able to introduce several important innovations
into the legislative and administrative machinery of the British
Indian government. First of all, he acted to implement Queen Victoria's
promise of racial equality of opportunity, which since 1858 had
served only to assure Indian nationalists of British hypocrisy.
He appointed two Indian members to his council at Whitehall: one
a Muslim, Sayyid Husain Bilgrami, who had taken an active role in
the founding of the Muslim League; the other a Hindu, Krishna G.
Gupta, the senior Indian in the ICS. Morley also persuaded a reluctant
Lord Minto to appoint to the viceroy's Executive Council the first
Indian member, Satyendra P. Sinha (1864-1928), in 1909. Sinha (later
Lord Sinha) had been admitted to the bar at Lincoln's Inn in 1886
and was advocate general of Bengal before his appointment as the
viceroy's law member, a position he felt obliged to resign in 1910.
He was elected president of the Congress in 1915 and became parliamentary
undersecretary of state for India in 1919 and governor of Bihar
and Orissa in 1920.
reform scheme, the Indian Councils Act of 1909 (popularly called
the Minto-Morley Reforms), directly introduced the elective principle
to Indian legislative council membership. Though the initial electorate
was a minuscule minority of Indians enfranchised by property ownership
and education, in 1910 some 135 elected Indian representatives took
their seats as members of legislative councils throughout British
India. The act of 1909 also increased the maximum additional membership
of the Supreme Council from 16 (to which it had been raised by the
Councils Act of 1892) to 60. In the provincial councils of Bombay,
Bengal, and Madras, which had been created in 1861, the permissible
total membership had been raised to 20 by the act of 1892, and this
was increased in 1909 to 50, a majority of whom were to be nonofficials;
the number of council members in other provinces was similarly increased.
the official majorities of provincial legislatures, Morley was following
the advice of Gokhale and other liberal Congress leaders, such as
Romesh Chunder Dutt (1848-1909), and overriding the bitter opposition
of not only the ICS but also his own viceroy and council. Viceroy
Morley believed, as did many other British Liberal politicians,
that the only justification for British rule over India was to bequeath
to the government of India Britain's greatest political institution,
parliamentary government. Minto and his officials in Calcutta and
Shimla did succeed in watering down the reforms by writing stringent
regulations for their implementation and insisting upon the retention
of executive veto power over all legislation. Elected members of
the new councils were empowered, nevertheless, to engage in spontaneous
supplementary questioning, as well as in formal debate with the
executive concerning the annual budget. Members were also permitted
to introduce legislative proposals of their own.
immediate advantage of these vital new parliamentary procedures
by introducing a measure for free and compulsory elementary education
throughout British India. Although defeated, it was brought back
again and again by Gokhale, who used the platform of the government's
highest council of state as a sounding board for nationalist demands.
Before the act of 1909, as Gokhale told fellow members of the Congress
in Madras that year, Indian nationalists had been engaged in agitation
“from outside,” but “from now,” he said, they would be “engaged
in what might be called responsible association with the administration.”
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